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Henry continued his harangue against the powers granted Congress under Article I, Section 8, dwelling particularly on the power to raise armies and to call forth the militia to execute the laws and suppress insurrection. Mr. Madison . Mr. Chairman—I will endeavor to follow the rule of the house; but must pay due attention to the observations which fell from the gentleman. I should conclude,...
The power of Congress to exercise exclusive legislation over the federal district was dangerous, Henry warned, especially in conjunction with its power to make all laws necessary and proper to carry its powers into execution. Mr. Madison . Mr. Chairman—I am astonished that the honorable member should launch out into such strong descriptions without any occasion. Was there ever a legislature in...
The importation of slaves until 1808, guaranteed by Article I, Section 9, was attacked by Mason as “a fatal section, which has created more dangers than any other.” Mason said “this infamous traffic” would continue, but those who already owned slaves had “no security for the property of that kind” ( Robertson, Virginia Debates David Robertson, Debates and Other Proceedings of the Convention of...
No question direct or indirect has yet been taken, by which the state of parties could be determined. of course each is left to enjoy the hopes resulting from its own partial calculations. It is probable the majority on either side will not exceed more than 3, 4, 5 or 6. I indulge a belief that at this time the friends of the Constitution have the advantage in point of number. Great moderation...
No question has been yet taken by which the strength of parties can be ascertained. Each hopes for victory. There will not probably be half a dozen for a majority on either side. I hope & think that if no accident happens the Constitution will carry the point. But when the balance is so extremely nice, it is improper not to mingle doubts with our expectations. A few days will probably decide...
No question has yet been taken by which real strength of parties in our Convention can be measured. There is not a majority of more than three or four on either side. Both sides claim it. I think however it rather lies as yet in favor of the Constitution. But it is so small as to justify apprehensions from accidents as well as change of opinion. An unwillingness to risk a positive decision on...
No question direct or indirect has yet been taken, by which the state of parties could be determined. Of course each is left to enjoy the hopes resulting from its own partial calculations. It is probable the majority on either side will not exceed more than 3, 4, or 5 or 6. I indulge a belief that at this time the friends of the Constitution have the advantage in point of number. Great...
The Antifederalists maintained that the electoral college created by Article II, Section 1, would result in the choice of a president by less than a majority of those eligible to vote. Mr. Madison . Mr. Chairman—I will take the liberty of making a few observations which may place this in such a light as may obviate objections. It is observable, that none of the honorable members objecting to...
Mr. Madison , adverting to Mr. Mason’s objection to the president’s power of pardoning, said, it would be extremely improper to vest it in the house of representatives, and not much less so to place it in the senate; because numerous bodies were actuated more or less by passion, and might in the moment of vengeance forget humanity. It was an established practice in Massachusetts for the...
Our debates have advanced as far as the Judiciary Department against which a great effort is making. The appellate congnizance of fact, and an extension of the power to causes between Citizens of different States, with some lesser objections are the topics chiefly dwelt on. The retrospection to cases antecedent to the Constitution, such as British debts, and an apprehended revival of the...