Mr. Carmichael has delivered to me a Paper he had the Honor of recieving from Your Excellency before my arrival here,1 containing Heads of many important Inquiries,2 respecting which it was judged necessary that his catholic Majesty should be exactly informed before entering into a discussion with me and Mr. Carmichal jointly or separately on the Subject of the Affairs of the united States of North America, and their mutual Interest with Respect to Spain, but that the Court tho desirous of Information on those several Articles, with all possible Frankness and Precision, did not mean to dive into matters which Mr. Carmichael and myself might regard as reserved to ourselves only.

Being persuaded that direct and accurate Information respecting the nature and Extent of the Commission given to that Gentleman and myself, would be very agreable to Your Excellency: I take the Liberty of transmitting the following Copies of each—

The Delegates of the united States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia In congress assembled—

To all who shall see these Presents and Greeting—

Whereas an Intercourse between the Subjects of his Catholic Majesty, and the Citizens of these united States, founded on the Principles of Equality, Reciprocity & Friendship may be of mutual advantage to both nations And it being the sincere Desire of the united States to enter into a Treaty of alliance and amity and Commerce with his Catholic Majesty Know Ye therefore that we confiding in the Integrity Prudence & Ability of ^the Honorable^ John Jay Esquire, late President of Congress, and Chief Justice of the State of New York have nominated and constituted, And by these Presents do nominate and constitute him the said John Jay our Minister plenipotentiary, Giving him full Power general and special to act in that Quality, to confer, treat, agree, and conclude with the Embassador or plenipotentiary of his Catholic Majesty, vested with equal Powers of and concerning a Treaty of Amity and Commerce and of Alliance, and whatsoever shall be so agreed and concluded, for us and in our hands to sign, and thereupon make such Treaty or Treaties, Conventions and Agreements as he shall judge conformable to the Ends we have in View, in as ample Form, and with the same Effect as if we were personally present and acted therein. hereby promising in good Faith that we will accept ratify, fulfill and execute whatever shall be agreed concluded and signed by our said Minister plenipotentiary, and that we will never act nor suffer any Person to act contrary to the same on the whole or in any Part. In Witness whereof we have caused these Presents to be given in Congress at Philadelphia the twenty ninth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty Seventy nine and in the fourth Year of the Independence of the united States of America—

Signed by the President and sealed with his Seal

Saml. Huntington President

Attest Cha Thomson Secy—

The united States of America in Congress assembled To the Honorable William Carmichael Esquire a Delegate in Congress from the State of Maryland Greeting—

We reposing especial Trust and Confidence in your Patriotism Ability Conduct & Fidelity do by these Presents constitute & appoint You, during our Pleasure, Secretary to our Minister plenipotentiary appointed to negotiate a Treaty of Amity and Commerce and of Alliance with his Catholic Majesty. You are therefore carefully and diligently to discharge the Duty of Secretary by doing and performing all Things ther unto belonging. And in Case of the Death of our said Minister, you are to signify it to us by the earliest opportunity, and on such Event we authorize and direct you to take into your Charge all our public affairs, which was in the Hands of our said Minister at the Time of his Death or which may be addressed to him before notice thereof ^and present therein^ according to the Instructions to our said Minister given until our further Orders— Witness his Excellency Samuel Huntington Esquire President of the Congress of the united States of America at Philadelphia the twenty ninth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred & seventy nine, and in the fourth Year of our Indepence.—

(signed) Samuel Huntington President

Attest Chas Thomson Secy.3

The Inquiries in Question are numerous and important. They do Honor to the Sagacity which suggested them, and if fully answered would produce a very interesting History of the present Condition of the american States. On some of the Subjects proposed, I can give your Excellency full and particular Intelligence—on others, only general and by no means precise Information; on all however I shall write with Candor. Such is the nature of the American Government and Confederacy, that the Congress and all other Rulers of the People are responsible to them for their Conduct, and cannot withhold from their Constituents a Knowledge of their true Situation without subjecting themselves to all the Evils which they experience, who substitute Cunning in the Place of Wisdom. Hence it is, that a Knowledge of their Affairs, is easily attainable by all, who will be at the Trouble of collecting it: and as it is neither the Policy nor Inclination of America to draw a Veil over any Part of their Affairs, your Excellency may be persuaded that every Consideration forbids their Servants: by a Suppression or misrepresentation of Facts, to decieve or mislead those, whose Amity they so sincerely endeavour to cultivate as they do that of Spain.

Your Excellency has with great Propriety arranged the Subjects of your Inquiry under two Heads—the civil and military States of North America. The first of these is again branched into several Subdivisions—at the Head of which is

The Population of each State:

The exact number of Inhabitants in the united States has not I believe been ascertained by an actual Census in more than two or three of them. The only Computation made by Congress was on the 29th. July 1775. The manner and occasion of which exclude every Suspicion of its exceeding the true number.

Congress had emitted Bills of Credit to a very considerable amount, and were apprized of the necessity of emitting more. Justice demanded that this Debt should be apportioned among the States according to their respective Abilities. An equitable Rule whereby to determine that Ability became indispensable. After much Consideration Congress “Resolved that the Proportion or Quota of each Colony should be determined according to the number of ^the^ Inhabitants in each of all ages (including negroes & mulattoes) in each Colony.”— But as that could not then be ascertained exactly, they were obliged to judge of and compute ^the number^ from circumstantial Evidence. The Delegates gave to Congress an account of the Population of their respective Colonies made from the best materials then in their Power, and so great was their Confidence in each other, that from those accounts that Computation was principally formed. Your Excellency will readily percieve that the Delegates were far from being under any Temptations to exagerate the number of their Constituents— They were not ignorant that by such Exagerations they would encrease their Proportion of aids, both of men and money and that whatever Errors they might commit could not be rectified by an actual Numeration during the war. The Computation thus formed was as follows—

New Hampshire. . .	124069 and a half
Massachusets Bay.	434244
Rhode Island. . .	71959 and a half
Connecticut. . .	248139
New York. . .	248139
New Jersey. . .	161290 and a half
Pennsylvania. . .	372208 and a half
Delaware. . .	37219 and a half
Maryland. . .	310174 and a half
Virginia. . .	496278
North Carolina. . .	248139
South Carolina. . .	248139
	3′000000—

exclusive of the Inhabitants of Georgia, who were not at that Time represented in Congress, and of whose numbers I have no Information that I can confide in.—

The Form of Government of each State—

In the Pamphlets I have now the Honor of transmitting to your Excellency, you vizt no. 1, no. 2, no. 3, no. 4 & no. 5 you will find the Constitutions of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and South Carolina—

The others I have not with me. The great outlines of them all are very similar. by the last accounts from america it appears that Massachusets had not as yet agreed upon their Constitution, but had it then under Consideration.4 It cannot be necessary to observe to your Excellency that these new modes of Government were formed by Persons named and authorized by the People for that express Purpose, that they were in general instituted with great Temper and Deliberation, upon such just and liberal Principles as on the one Hand to give effectual Security to civil and religious Liberty, and on the other make ample Provision for the Rights of Justice and the due exercise of the necessary Powers of Government.

The Articles of Confederation agreed upon by Congress, and approved by every State in the Union except Maryland, provide for the general Government of the Confederacy and the ordering of all matters essential to the Prosperity and Preservation of the Union in Peace and War. [illegible] I ought also to inform your Excellency that the Reasons why Maryland has ^as^ yet withheld her assent to those articles, do not arise from any Disaffection to the common Cause, but merely from their not having adopted certain Principles respecting the Disposition of certain Lands—5

The union and Resolution of the Inhabitants to continue the War [illegible] with Vigor as long as may be necessary—

on this Subject I can give your Excellency certain and positive Information—

The Storm of Tyranny and oppression, which had for some Years been ^constantly^ growing more black and more terrible, began to burst with violence on the People of North America in the Year 1774. It was seen and felt and deprecated by all, except those who expected to gather Spoil in the Ruins it was designed to occasion. These were those who enjoyed or expected Emoluments from great Britain together with their immediate Dependants and Connections— Such as, the officers of Government throughout the Colonies, but with some very distinguished Exceptions,— Those of the Clergy of the Church of England almost without Exception, who recieved annual Salaries from the Society established in England for propagating the Gospel in foreign Parts—foreign adventurers, buyers and sellers, who being no further attached to the Country than as it afforded the means of Gain, soon prepared to speculate in Confiscations, and courted the Notice of their Sovereign by intemperate Zeal for the Ruin of his Subjects. With these Exceptions the great Body of the People moved together, and united in such firm and considerate measures for the common Safety, and conducted their affairs with such order Regularity & System, as to leave no Room to suppose them to be the work of only a prevailing Party, as our Enemies have always represented and affected to consider them.

There was it is true another Class of Persons, not much less dangerous, tho’ far more contemptible than those I first mentioned, Persons, who in every Revolution like ^floating^ weeds in every Storm, obey the strongest wind, and pass from Side to Side as that happens to change. I mean the neutrals, a pusillanimous Race, which having ballanced in their minds the advantages & disadvantages of the Gains and Losses Dangers of joining either Side, are seduced by their Fears to form a Thousand Pretexts for joining neither—who to manifest their Loyalty to their King, when his Armies were successful, gave them every aid in their Power, except drawing their Swords against their Country, and who when their Countrymen prevailed, were ready to render them all possible Service except taking arms against their Prince—

The Auxiliaries which ^the^ british Measures and Forces found in North America the Country, consisted of Persons from these Classes. And altho’ when these first appeared in and wounded the Bosom of America, she was obliged to extend her arms to repel the assaults of a foreign Enemy; yet such was the union and Spirit of her Inhabitants, that she was soon enabled ^not only^ to put them under her Foot, but on the Ruins of her former Governments to erect new ones, in the midst of Invasions from without and treacherous Combinations from within, and being able to obtain no other Terms of Peace than unconditional obedience, she had sufficient Courage to declare herself independent in the Face of one of the best appointed Armies Britain could ever boast, as well as sufficient Strength to limit its operations and reduce its numbers

It may perhaps be observed that the first object of the war was a Redress of Grievances—that the present object is Independence—and it may be asked whether the People are as much united with Respect to the last, as they were with Respect to the first.—

I am certain that the People of America never were so well united in any one object; as they are at present in that of their Independence— Exclusive of actual observations on the spot, I think so because

(1st.) The Declaration of Independence was made by Congress at the Time when the great Body of their Constituents called for it.—

(2d.) Because that Declaration was immediately recognized by the General Assemblies and Legislatures of the several States without Exception.

(3d.) Because the successful army under General Burgoyne was defeated and captured by a great Collection of the neighboring militia, to whom he had offered Peace and Tranquility on their remaining at Home— Terms which it is natural to suppose a great many of them would have accepted, had the Declaration of Independence been disagreable to them—

(4d.) Because the Congress who consist of members annually elected have repeatedly expressly and unanimously declared their Determination to support it at every Hazard.—

(5th:) Because their internal Enemies have been either expelled or reduced, and their Estates to a very great amount in some of the States confiscated and actually sold.

(6th.) Because Constitutions and Forms of Government have since been instituted & compleatly organized, in which the People participate, from which they have experienced essential advantages, and to which they have of Consequence become greatly attached—

(7th.) Because the Congress unanimously refused to enter into Treaty with the British Commissioners on any Terms short of Independence, and because every State tho’ afterward separately solicited, refused to treat otherwise than collectively by their Delegates in Congress.

(8th.) Because the inhuman and very barbarous Manner in which the war has been conducted by the Enemy, has so alienated the affections of the People from the King and Government of Britain, and filled their Hearts with such deep rooted and just Resentments as to render a cordial Reconciliation, much less a Dependence on them utterly impossible.

(9th.) Because the Doctrine propag[at]ed in America by the Servants of the King of Great Britain, “that no Faith was to be kept with Americans in arms against him”, and the Uniformity with which they have adhered to it, in their Practice as well as Professions have destroyed all Confidence, and leave the Americans no Room to doubt, but that, should they again become Subjects of the King of Great Britain on ^certain^ Terms, that those Terms would as little impede the Progress of future oppression as the Capitulation of Limerick in 1691 did with Respect to Ireland.—

(10th.) Because the Treaty with France, and consequently Virtue, Honor, and every obligation due to the Reputation of a rising Nation, whose Fame is unsullied by violated Compacts, forbid it—

(11th.) Because it is the evident and well known Interest of North America to remain independent

(12th.) Because the History of mankind from the earliest ages with a loud voice calls upon those who draw their Swords against a Prince deaf to the Suplications of his people, to throw away the Scabbard—

(13th.) Because they do not consider the support of their Independence as difficult— The Country is very defensible and fertile. The People are all Soldiers, who with Reason consider their Liberty and Lives as the most valuable of the Possessions left them, and which they are determined shall neither be wrested or purchased from them but with Blood—

(14th.) Because for the Support of their Independence they have expressly, by a most solemn Act, pledged to each other their Lives their Fortunes and their sacred Honor. So that their Bond of Union thus formed for this very Purpose, of all the Ties of common Interest common Safety, mutual affection, general Resentments, and the great Obligations of Virtue, Honor, Patriotism and Religion, may with Reason be deemed equal to the Importance of that great Object.—

Whether there is any powerful Party in favor of England & what Consequences are to be apprehended from it? Whether the Heads of this Party suffer themselves to be seduced by the Promises of the british Government?6

What has been already said on the Subject of the union of the People in north America, will I imagine in great measure answer these Questions—

If a Party in Favor of England, is meant, a Party for relinquishing the Independence of the united States, and returning to the Dominion of Britain on any Terms whatever, I answer there is no such Party in north America. All the open Adherents to the Crown of Great Britain, having either voluntarily quitted, or been expelled from, the Country.—

That Britain has Emissaries and masqued adherents in America, industrious in their little Spheres to perplex the public measures, and disturb the public Tranquility, is a Fact which they ^I^ have not the most distant doubt, and it is equally true that some of these wicked men are by a few weak ones thought to be Patriots—but they cannot with any Propriety be called a Party or even a Faction. The chief mischief they do is collecting and transmitting Intelligence raising false Reports, and spreading Calumnies of public men and measures. Such Characters will be found in every Country so circumstanced, and America has not been negligent in providing Laws for their Punishment.

The obvious Policy of the Court of London has induced them to boast perpetually of their [illegible] Party in America, but where it is? of whom composed? what it has done? or is doing? are Questions to which they constantly give evasive answers. Much also have they said of the numbers that have jointed their Armies in America. The Truth is that at Boston, Rhode Island, New York and Philadelphia, they gleaned some of that Reffuse of mankind, to be found and purchased by anybody in all commercial Cities. It is also true that some Men of Weight and Influence in the Country who joined the Enemy on their first Successes, did draw away with them several of their immediate Dependants whom they persuaded or otherwise influenced to enlist with in their Service. To these, may also be added the Prisoners whom at different Times they forced into their Service by Famine and other Severities, too numerous as well as barbarous, to be here particularized. But I have no Reason to believe that all these Aids put together ever exceeded three thousand men. This Business however (except with Respect to Prisoners) has long been over, and before I left america, many of those deluded People had returned and implored the Pardon of their Country.

In america as in all other popular Governments, your Excellency knows there must and ever will be Parties for and against particular measures and particular men. The Enemy adverting to this Circumstance have had address enough to ascribe Differences and temporary Heats arising from this Source in which they were not interested, to ^causes^ much higher and more flattering to their Importance; and this they have done with so much art as to have imposed in some Instances, on the Credulity of men high in Reputation for Sagacity and Discernment.—

If your Excellency will be pleased to peruse a Pamphlet marked no. 6 which you will find enclosed with the other Papers I herewith transmit, & Entitled “Observations on the american Revolution”, you will percieve that nothing is to be apprehended from this supposed Party in north america.7

A State of the Revenues of the States, and of their Ability to contribute to the general Expence? Whether they will be able long to support this Burthen? and encrease it if necessary—

The confe^de^rated States have no fixed Revenues—nor are such Revenues necessary—because all the private Property in the Country is at the public Service. The only Restriction imposed by the People is that it be taken from them with Wisdom and Justice, or, to be more explicit, that the Sums required be proportionate to the public Exigencies, and assessed on the Individuals in Proportion to their respective abilities.

A nation can seldom be destitute of the means of continuing a war, while they remain unsubdued in the Field, and chearfully devote their all to that Service— They may indeed experience great Distress—but no Distress being equal to that of Subjection to exasperated oppressors, whose most tender mercies are cruel, the Americans had little Difficulty in making their Election.—

A State of the public Debts—

This Subject you Excellency will find fully described in an Address of Congress to their Constituents, in which they compute their Debts, and mention the means they had taken ^to^ preserve the public Credit. It is also herewith enclosed and marked no. 7—8

A State of the Debts of each particular State.

Altho exact accounts of these Debts are contained in the public printed Acts of each State, yet as I neither have any of those Acts or Extracts from them with me, and my general Knowledge on this Head is very imperfect, I am deterred from giving your Excellency any Information respecting it by the very great Risque I should run of misleading you on this Point—

The Resources to lessen these Debts—

Taxes—foreign and domestic Loans— Sales of confiscated Estates, and ungranted Lands—

The Possibility of their supporting their Credit in all the operations of Government: in the Commerce of their Inhabitants, and above all in the Protection of national Industry.—

As to the Possibility of supporting their Credit in the Cases mentioned, there is no Doubt—it is very possible— How far it is probable is a Question less easy to answer

If the Taxes called for by Congress last Fall be duely paid—all will be safe: but whether they have or not, I am wholly uninformed, except that I find in a public Paper that Virginia had made good her first Payment—as I daily expect to recieve advices from america on this Subject, I shall postpone saying any Thing further on it at present, but your Excellency may rely on my communicating to you a full State of whatever Intelligence I may have respecting it.

As to supporting their Credit in Commerce, it is attended with considerable tho not insurmountable, Difficulties: They are of two kinds— The want of sufficient Commodities for Remittances and the Risque of transporting them— In ordinary north America abounds in valuable Commodities such as Fish, oil, Lumber, Provisions of Flesh and Corn, Iron, Tobacco, naval Stores, Peltry, Indigo, Potash and other Articles—all of which have greatly dimi^n^ished since the war, the Labourers formerly employed in producing them having been often called to the Field, and by other Effects of the war been prevented from regularly following their usual occupations. Of some of these Articles America still produces more than is necessary for her own Consumption, but the Risque of transporting them to Europe, renders her Remittances very uncertain. The Azylum which all british armed Vessels find in the ports of Portugal enables them to cruize very conveniently, and with great advantage off the western Islands, and other Situations proper for annoying Vessels going ^from thence^ to France Spain or the Mediterranean, hence it is that the Trade from america to St. Eustatia has of late so greatly encreased (it being carried on principally in small fast sailing Vessels, that draw but little water) and that the chief Remittances to Europe have been in Bills of Exchange instead of Produce—

With Respect to the Protection of national Industry I take it for granted, that it will always flourish where it is lucrative and not discouraged, which was the case in north america when I left it, Every Man being then at Liberty by the Law to cultivate the Earth as he pleased, to raise what he pleased, to manufacture as he pleased, and to sell the Produce of his Labor to whom he pleased, and for the best Prices without any Duties or Impositions whatsoever. I have indeed no apprehension whatever on this Subject, I believe there are no People more industrious than those of america, and whoever recurs to their Population, their former Exports, and their present Productions amidst the Horrors of Fire and Sword, will be convinced of it.

By what means or what Branches of Commerce will the States of America have it in their Power to indemnify Spain, whenever this Power may Second the Views and operations of the Americans?

America will indemnify Spain in two ways—by fighting the Enemy of Spain, and by Commerce. Your Excellency will be pleased to remark that Spain as well as America is now at war with Britain, and therefore that it is the interest of both to support and assist each other against the common Enemy. It cannot be a Question whether Britain will be more or less formidable, if victorious or defeated in America; and there can be no Doubt but that every nation interested in the Reduction of her Power will be compensated for any Aids they may afford America, by the immediate Application of those Aids to that express Purpose at the Expense of American Blood— Your Excellencys well known Talents save me the necessity of observing that it is the Interest of all Europe to join in breaking down the exorbitant Power of a nation, who arrogantly claims the ocean as her Birth-Right, and considers every advantage in Commerce, however acquired by violence or used with Cruelty, as a Tribute perfectly due to her boasted superiority in Arts and in Arms. By establishing the Independence of America, the Empire of Britain will be divided and the Sinews of her Power cut. America situated in another Hemisphere, and intent only on the Cultivation of a Country more than sufficient to satisfy their Desires will remain unconnected with European Politics, and not being interested in their objects will not partake of their Dissensions. Happy in having for their Neighbours a People distinguished for Love of Justice and of Peace, they will have nothing to fear, but may flatter themselves that they and their Posterity, will long enjoy all the Blessings of that Peace Liberty and Safety for which alone they patiently endure the Calamities incident to the cruel Contest they sustain.

While the war continues the Commerce of America will be ^in^considerable, but on the Restoration of Peace, it will soon become very valuable and extensive.

So great is the Extent of Country in north America yet to be cultivated and so inviting to Settlers, that Labor will very long remain too dear to admit of considerable Manufacturers, Reason and Experience tell us, that when the Poor have it in their Power to gain Affluence by tilling the Earth they will refuse the scanty Earnings which manufacturers may offer them. From this Circumstance it is evident that the Exports from America will consist of raw materials, which other nations will be able to manufacture for them at a cheaper Rate than they can themselves. To those who consider the future and progressive Population of that Country the Demands it will have for the manufacturers and Productions of Europe as well to satisfy their wants as to gratify their Luxury, will appear emmense, & far more than any one Kingdom in it can supply. Instead of paying money for Fish and many other articles as heretofore, Spain will then have an opportunity of obtaining ^them^ in Exchange for her Cloths Silks Wines and Fruits— Notwithstanding which it is easy to observe that the Commerce of the american States will forever produce to them such actual wealth as to enable them punctually to repay whatever Sums they may borrow—

How far it may be convenient for these States to furnish Ships of War Timber and other articles for the King’s arsenals, without Delay, and if in their Power, on what Terms?

I am much at a loss to determine at present, and therefore will by no means give your Excellency my Conjectures for Intelligence.

It is certain that in ordinary Terms Times, America can build Ships as good and cheaper than any other People, but because the materials cost them less. The Ships of war now in her Service, as to Strength and Construction are not exceeded by any on the ocean. On this Subject I will write to America for Information, and give your Excellency the earliest notice of it. Naval stores, and particularly masts and Spars, may certainly be had there, and of the best Quality, and I doubt but not that the Americans would carry them to Havannah or New Orleans; tho’ I suspect their being in a manner destitute of proper Convoys for the European Trade, would render them backward in bringing them to Spain on Terms equal to the Risque of Capture on the one Hand and the Expectations of Purchasers on the other—9

The Military State Of north America—

The Number and Strength of the American Troops—their present Situation and ability to oppose the Enemy, especially in Georgia & Carolina—

Six months have elapsed since I left America, and I had not seen a Return of the army for some Time before that Period— It did not I am certain amount to its full Compliment, and in my opinion did not in the whole exceed thirty or thirty five thousand men,— I mean regular Troops—

The Commander in Chief whose abilities as well as Integrity merit the highest Confidence, was authorized to conduct all the military operations in the united States at his Discretion, Subject nevertheless to such Orders as the Congress might think proper from Time to Time to give. It is impossible therefore for me (not having recieved a single Letter [illegible] on these Subjects from America since my Arrival) to decide in what manner or Proportions these Troops are employed or Stationed. Tho I am confident it has been done in the best Manner—

All the men of proper age in America are liable to do military Duty in certain Cases, and with a few Exceptions in all Cases. The militia is for the most Part divided into a certain Number of Classes, and whenever Reinforcements to the main army, or any Detachments of it, are wanting, they are supplied by these Classes in Rotation— These Reinforcements while in the Field are subject to the like Regulations ^with the regular Troops^ and with them submit to the severest Discipline and Duty— Hence it is that the People of America have become Soldiers, and that the Enemy have never been able to make a deep Impression on the Country or long hold any considerable Lodgments at a Distance from their Fleets. Georgia and Georgia South Carolina indeed enjoy these advantages in a less Degree than the other States: their own militia not being very numerous, and speedy Reinforcements from their neighbours of north Carolina and Virginia rendered difficult by the Length of the Way. They have nevertheless given Proofs of their Spirit by various and great Exertions, and I have Reason to believe that all possible Care has been taken to provide for their Safety by furnishing them by with a proper Body of Troops under major General Lincoln, a very good officer as well as a very good man.—10

Arms are still wanting in America—many of those imported proving unfit for use and the number of Inhabitants, who were without proper Arms at the beginning of the war calling for great Supplies. The Army and a considerable Part of the militia especially in the northern States, have in general good arms—

The article of Cloathing has been and still is a very interesting one to the American army. It is impossible to describe, and indeed almost impossible to believe, the Hardships they have endured for want of it. There have been Instances (and I speake from the most undoubted Authority) of considerable Detachments marching barefooted over rugged Tracts of Ice and Snow, and marking the Route they took by the Blood that issued from their Feet, but neither these terrible Extremities, nor the alluring offers of the Enemy could prevail on them to quit their Standards or relax their ardour. Their Condition however has of late been much bettered by Supplies from France and Spain and American Privateers. But adequate Provision has not yet been made for the ensuing winter, and I cannot conceal from your Excellency my anxiety on that Head— A Supply of Cloathing for twenty thousand men, added to what is engaged for them in France would make that army and all america happy—

I foresee no other Difficulties in providing Subsistence for the american armies in every Situation they may be placed, than those which may attend the Transportation of it. But when I reflect on the Obstacles of this kind which they have already met with and surmounted, I have little uneasiness about future ones— The last Crops in America promised to be plentiful when I left it, but whether there would be any and what overplus considerable overplus for Exportation was then undetermined— The Damages done the Wheat in Maryland Virginia and north Carolina, by a Fly which infested those Countries not being to my Knowledge at the Time ascertained—11

How many Ships of war belong to the Congress, is a Question I cannot answer with Certainty— I think there are not more than ten or twelve in the whole. Of Privateers there are a great Number, but how many exactly has not been computed In my opinion they exceed one hundred, several of them very fine Ships— The Governor of Martinico told me that in that Island alone the American Privateers had brought and sold above five thousand Affrican Slaves which they had taken from the Enemy. Nine tenths at least of all the Rum and Sugar used in north america these three Years past, has been obtained in the same way, And to their Successes have the public been indebted for the most seasonable and valuable Supplies of military Stores which they have recieved. I left several Vessels on the stocks at Philadelphia, and heard of more in other Parts—

Upon the whole— His Majesty may rest perfectly assured that the americans are determined, tho forsaken by all mankind, to maintain their Independence, and to part with it only with their Lives, the Desolations and Distresses of war being too familiar to them, to excite any other Passions than Indignation and Resentment.

That the Country will supply its Inhabitants with Provisions some Cloathing, and some articles of Commerce—

That there is no Party in america in Favor of returning under the Dominion of Britain on any Terms whatever—

That the King of France is very popular in america, being in all Parts of it stiled the Protector of the Rights of Mankind, and that they will hold the Treaty made with him inviolate—

That the People in america have very high Ideas of the Honor & Integrity of the Spanish nation, and of his catholic Majesty especially, and that this Respect and Esteem unite with their Interest in rendering them so desirous of his Friendship and alliance—

That the greatest Difficulty under which America labors, arises from the great Depreciation of her Bills of Credit owing principally to a greater Sum having been emitted than was necessary for a medium of Commerce, and to the Impossibility of remedying it by Taxes before regular Governments were established—

That great Attempts, seconded by the general voice of the People have been made to retrieve the Credit of those Bills by Taxation— The Issue of which was as yet uncertain; but if unsuccessful, a Recurrence to Taxes in Kind was still left and would be practiced, tho it was ^is an^ Expedient which Nothing but Necessity can render eligible—

That if France and Spain were to unite their Endeavours to conquer Britain in America by furnishing the latter with the necessary aids of ammunition Cloathing and some money—there is Reason to believe, that the House of Bourbon would find it the most certain and least expensive method of reducing the Power of their irreconcilable Enemy, and not only command the Gratitude and perpetual Attachment of America, but the general approbation of all who wish well to the Tranquility of Europe and the Rights of mankind. Thus would that illustrious House erect glorious and lasting Monuments to their Virtues in the Hearts of a whole People—

I fear Your Excellency will consider the Intelligence here given less full and precise than you expected. I regret that it is not in my Power to render it more so but it is not. I hope however that it will be thought sufficient to open a way to those further Discussions which must precede the measures necessary to bind America to Spain as well as to France and thereby compleat the Division & consequently the Humiliation of the british Empire— A work too glorious and laudable not to merit the notice of so magnanimous a Prince as his Majesty, and engage the attention of a minister of such acknowledged abilities as your Excellency—

I flatter myself that the Importance of the Subject will appologize for my trespassing so long on your Excellencys Patience, so soon after your Return to Aranjues.— I have the Honor to be with great Respect and Esteem— Your Excellencys Most obedient and most h’ble Servant12