1. See the Cabinet to GW, 2 July, and n.2 to that document.

2. James Monroe, U.S. minister to France, had written George Logan from Paris on 24 June 1795 (see Papers of James Monroe, description begins Daniel Preston et al., eds. The Papers of James Monroe. 5 vols. to date. Westport, Conn., and Santa Barbara, Calif., 2003–. description ends 3:375–76). A copy of that letter in DLC:GW (misdated 1796) begins: “I give you within a short sketch of the actual state of things here, a copy of which I likewise send to one or two other friends of whom Mr Beckley is one. If you & Mr Beckley, if in philadelphia, deem it worthy the attention, I have no objection to your inserting it in Bache’s paper, the first paragraph excepted. And if you likewise approve, I will hereafter keep you regularly apprized of the course of events, whereby the community at large may be more correctly informed of the progress of the revolution than they heretofore have been or can be from the English prints. The character will be from a gentleman in Paris to his friend in Philadelphia.” The sketch (minus the first paragraph) subsequently appeared in Benjamin Bache’s Aurora General Advertiser (Philadelphia) for 31 Aug. 1795, introduced as “a letter from an American gentleman in France, who possesses the best means of information.” The item was touted as “a more satisfactory and interesting view of the situation of the French Republic, in relation to all its domestic and foreign concerns, and particularly with regard to its present feeling and disposition towards the United States, than any thing that has yet been published in America.”

A correctly dated copy of Monroe’s letter to Logan and a copy of Monroe’s sketch, dated 23 June 1795, are in MHi: Pickering Papers. Writing from Paris, Monroe maintained that the revolutionary Convention remained in firm control. The strength of counterrevolutionary forces compared “like that of an infant against Hercules.” Members of the Convention familiar to Monroe were “among the most enthusiastick admirers and advocates of the publick liberty. …

“In other respects the prospect has become more favourable to a happy termination of the revolution than was heretofore promised. The people of France may conquer their liberties and merit to be free, but without a good government it will be impossible to preserve them. This truth has latterly been more deeply impressed upon the Convention than it formerly was, and in consequence, the attention of that body seems now to be principally turned to that object, a committee consisting of Eleven members having been appointed for more than six weeks past, to report what changes it will be necessary in their judgment to make in the existing one of 1793, and whose report is dayly expected. It is believed that this committee will propose some important changes in that constitution, and that the Convention will adopt them, Such as a division of the legislature into two branches &c. after the model of the American constitutions. …

“The external view is still more favourable. The atchievements of the last campaign surpassed every thing that the modern world has witnessed: in every quarter their arms were triumphant, but where the greatest danger pressed there the grandeur of their exploits was most conspicuous. … From an enemy Holland has become a friend and ally. … Prussia has withdrawn from the war, and is now in the closest amity with France. Spain is negociating and will probably soon have peace: Austria is Known to wish it, and England has absolutely made overtures secretly.” Monroe believed conflict would “soon be narrowed to a contest between this Republick and England. I mean such is the present prospect, and this will of course be a maritime one only” in which European powers, with the possible exception of Russia, would “wish to see the naval force of England broken or at least greatly diminished.”

As for the United States and France, Monroe claimed that his arrival had reversed “unfavorable impressions” and revived “the antient and close amity which had formerly subsisted … Such was the actual state of things when the report of Mr Jay’s treaty with the English government transpired, and by which it was circulated that a new connection was formed between the United States and that power, beneficial to the latter, and probably hurtful to France. This report operated like a stroke of Thunder, and produced upon all France amazement. What the Treaty really is, is not yet Known, but most certainly the bias in our favor has been greatly diminished, nor is it possible that the cordiality should be great under such circumstances. If the treaty is rejected, or contains in it nothing strictly objectionable, in either case we shall stand well here but if it is adopted and does contain any thing which a just criticism can censure, be assured we shall hear from this government in terms of reproach. By this time you know what the Treaty is, and therefore Know according to its fate in what light we shall be considered here. If the treaty is not precisely what we wished it to be, most certainly the most favorable opportunity that was ever offered to make a good one has been thrown away: for as France was successful, and a good understanding subsisted between us and France, it was really in our power to dictate what terms we pleased, provided we could make the English government believe that in any event we would take part against it.”

Monroe concluded by noting that the French “Republick is rapidly rising to, or rather has already obtaind a decided preponderance not only in the scale of Europe, but indeed in that of human affairs. … Upon every principle therefore it was greatly to be regretted, if America should lose in any degree the ground upon which she hath heretofore stood in the estimation of her ally.”

3. The copy of Monroe’s letter to Logan in MHi: Pickering Papers includes the postscript: “The plan of a constitution was reported yesterday in the Convention the outline of which according to my comprehension for ’tis not yet printed and I only heard it reported is a division of the Legislative into two branches. 1st a council of 500 and 2d one of 250. the latter to be called a council of old men—laws to originate in the first only. There is likewise a council of censors with power to remove from office and disqualify. The Executive power to be vested in five persons to be allowed each a salary equivalent to about £5000 sterg and to serve each 5 years but in such manner that one shall be annually supplied. The judicial department is also differently organized but in what form I cannot say—The Department of Paris is to be called the Department of the Seine.”