Jay’s retirement from the governorship coincided with the onset of a decline in the fortunes of the Federalist Party. Although no longer in public office, Jay nonetheless followed political developments as they unfolded in New York and throughout the nation from the vantage of his rural retreat in Bedford. He maintained an active interest in elections and legislation, domestic affairs, and foreign policy, relying on a steady stream of newspapers, pamphlets, and correspondence, as well as the occasional visitor, to provide him with the latest information. Jay was more than a mere consumer of news, however. Recognized and respected as an experienced elder statesman, he was sought out by contemporaries for his advice and perspective on political events. They even, on occasion, endeavored to lure him back into the fray of Federalist politics. Such was the case during the War of 1812, when the Federalist Party experienced a resurgence of power due to the unpopularity of this conflict. Large segments of the state’s population feared for the security of the northern border and worried that warfare would further devastate a maritime commerce already crippled by years of restrictive Republican regulations. Jay shared these anxieties and had the opportunity to play a leading role in revitalizing the Federalist Party during this time of strife, yet he chose to remain in retirement. Citing conditions of poor health coupled with the comforts of country living, Jay both muted his public voice and minimized his political involvement. Moreover, even as he approved of the antiwar platform adopted by New York’s Federalists, Jay nonetheless adhered to principles of constitutionalism and rule of law, and simultaneously condemned acts of overt partisanship and violence, regardless of political affiliation.

In the years leading up to the war’s outbreak, Jay expressed dissatisfaction with both Jeffersonian policies and the overall conduct of political affairs, noting “The vices and violences of Parties and Factions, and the Corruptions which they generate & cherish, are serious Evils”.1 He participated in local politics, but refrained from engaging with Bedford’s citizenry. As he confided to Timothy Pickering in 1807, “The Proprieties attached to a Situation like mine, assign certain Limits to active Interferences in political concerns— I attend every Election, even for Town officers; and having delivered my Ballots return home, without having mingled in the Crowd, or participated in their Altercations.”2 Indeed, Jay preferred that his political views remain confidential and not be subjected to public scrutiny and open debate. If a personal conversation or correspondence did come to light, Jay sought to ensure that his ideas were fairly and accurately presented. Such was the case in April 1807, when Egbert Benson disclosed to William Coleman, a newspaper editor, remarks made by Jay regarding the upcoming gubernatorial election. Coleman accordingly published the following statement, “I am authorized to declare, that Govr. Jay has said that he cannot possibly conceive that any Man who calls himself a Fœderalist, can ever give a vote for a Candidate set up by the Clinton Party,”3 in his New York-based papers, Evening Post and Herald. Jay contended that his claim was misrepresented and he subsequently worked with Coleman in drafting a correction that would appear in the press.4

Jay had twice negotiated Anglo-American treaties and he deplored the governmental policies and decisions that led to the current conflict with Britain. A little over a month after the war broke out, he confided to Peter Van Schaack that Madison’s “Declaration of War was neither necessary, nor expedient, nor seasonable.” Jay opined that the citizenry opposed to the war should dissent in a “temperate and decent” manner by holding town meetings and drawing up “Proceedings and Resolutions.” For his part, Jay still wished to avoid public exposure and accordingly, he asked that Van Schaack show discretion, as “it would not be pleasant to be quoted in newspapers, or hand Bills, or public Speeches.”5

Jay perceived that the war would inflame passions and bring out the worst in American politics; violence would not be confined to distant battlefields, but would also be visited on American towns and cities in the form of partisan-fueled assaults, riots, and arson. The multiple attacks on Federalist persons and property in Baltimore in late July 1812 that left one dead and nine wounded, confirmed his pessimistic outlook. Upon learning that one of the victims of this disturbance was revolutionary war veteran Henry Lee, Jay wrote to Lee’s brother, Richard Bland Lee, offering his condolences: “The Outrages committed at Baltimore, have excited the greater Indignation, on acct. of the Characters of some of the Sufferers, & particularly your Brother, whose claims to public Gratitude have so long and so justly been acknowledged throughout the United States.”6

New York Federalists campaigned on a platform that promised a return of peace and a resumption of trade. Party leaders understood that they would fare better in upcoming elections if they could persuade Jay to openly affiliate with them, or at least publicly endorse the Federalist cause. At a meeting of the Friends of Peace held in White Plains and chaired by Gouverneur Morris, a resolution passed, nominating Jay as a local representative to a statewide convention to be held in Albany. Peter Augustus attended the proceedings and announced that his father would probably not accept the appointment. Nonetheless, the assembly went ahead with the nomination, explaining that even if Jay declined the post, his “Name alone would be of more use than the actual Services of any one else.”7 Jay’s presence was requested at a second Federalist conference scheduled for mid-September in New York City. This convention would host some sixty delegates from several states who were tasked with selecting a candidate for that year’s presidential election. Although Jay supported the agendas and objectives of such meetings, and indeed, had a hand in planning them, he nonetheless turned down the invitations for reasons of poor health, explaining that he had lately suffered from “Effusions of Bile, a pain in the Side and a slight Fever.”8

Jay did attend, however, an earlier meeting at Gouverneur Morris’s estate Morrisania. At this small gathering, he conferred with Morris, Rufus King, Matthew Clarkson, Richard Harison, and Richard Varick, on drafting resolutions on the national crisis to present before the Common Council of New York City. On the final day, DeWitt Clinton joined Jay, Morris, and King, to discuss the possibility of gaining Federalist support for his presidential candidacy. Clinton and his followers had broken with Madison due to their opposition to the war and hoped to form a coalition with the Federalists by promoting a pro-peace platform. Although many New York Federalists backed Clinton, a sizable segment, including Rufus King, refused to cast their votes for him.9 Jay displayed a tepid support for Clinton, admitting to Peter Augustus, “I have no Hesitation in concluding and saying that if we must have either Mr. Madison or Mr. Clinton, I then prefer the latter, and for Reasons which have less Relation to his personal Qualifications, than to the existing State of things— If he fails, we shall lose in some obvious Respects, and yet it is not clear that the Democratic Party, as a Party will gain; especially if the War should continue, and continue disastrous.”10

Jay also had a role in determining who would represent his home community in the state legislature. When three Federalists—William Barker, Richard V. Morris, and Abraham Odell—were nominated as members of the Peace Party to represent Westchester County in the 1813 elections for the state assembly, Jay criticized previous actions of Odell and refused to support his candidacy. Whereas Barker and Morris won their seats, Odell was defeated by Abraham Miller, a Republican challenger.11 In an anonymous letter sent to the press of New York City, Jay explained that Odell had worked against the interests of Federalists and the Peace Party in previous contests.12

Jay kept abreast of the series of meetings of New England Federalists that took place in Hartford, Conn., between mid-December 1814 and early January 1815. The main purpose of this conference was to remedy grievances concerning regional differences of political power, the national dominance of the Republican Party, and the ongoing war against Britain. Some delegates even flirted with secession, but stopped short of openly calling for such a measure.13 Jay watched these developments closely and expressed his approval for the Convention. When Roger Sherman sent him an account of the proceedings, Jay replied that “The Temper and Wisdom displayed in that Report do Honor to the respectable Assembly who formed it.”14 Jay also viewed the events in Hartford as a necessary counterweight to what he perceived to be a prevailing tide of political violence. As he explained to Richard Peters, “The measures of the Hartford Convention, if properly managed, will also operate against the Delusion” of partisanship and demagoguery.15