John Jay Papers

To John Jay from the President of Congress (Samuel Huntington): Instructions to John Jay, 17 October 1780

From the President of Congress (Samuel Huntington):
Instructions to John Jay1

Philadelphia Oct. 17. 1780.

Sir,

Congress having in their Instructions of the 4th. Inst.2 directed you to adhere strictly to their former Instructions relating to the boundaries of the United States, to insist on the Navigation of the Mississippi for the Citizens of the United States in Common with the Subjects of his Catholic Majesty, as also on a free Port or Ports below the Northern limit of West Florida and accessible to Merchant Ships, for the Use of the former and being sensible of the Influence which these Claims on the Part of the United States may have on your Negotiations with the Court of Madrid, have thought it expedient to explain the Reasons and Principles on which the same are founded, that you may be enabled to satisfy that Court of the Equity & Justice of their Intentions.

With respect to the first of these Articles by which the River Mississippi is fixed as the boundary between the Spanish Settlements and the United States, it is unnecessary to take Notice of any Pretensions founded on Priority of discovery of Occupancy or on Conquest. It is Sufficient that by the definitive Treaty of Paris 1763 Art. 7 all the territory now claimed by the United States was expressly and irrevocably ceded to the King of Great Britain—and that the United States are in Consequence of the Revolution in their Government entitled to the Benefits of that cession.

The first of these Positions is proved by the Treaty itself. to prove the last, it must be observed that it is a fundamental Principle in all lawful Governments and particularly in the Constitution of the British Empire; that all the Rights of Sovereignty are intended for the Benefit of those from whom they are derived and over whom they are exercised. It is known also to have been held for an inviolable Principle by the United States whilst they remained a Part of the British Empire, that the Sovereignty of the King of England with all the Rights and Powers included in it, did not extend to them in virtue of his being acknowledged and obeyed as King by the People of England or of any other Part of the Empire, but in Virtue of his being acknowledged and obeyed as King by the People of America themselves;3 and that this Principle was the Basis, first of their Opposition to and finally of their Abolition of his Authority over them. From these Principles it results that all the Territory lying within the Limits of the States as fixed by the Sovereign himself, was held by him for their Particular Benefit, and must equally with his other Rights and Claims in Quality of their Sovereign be considered as having devolved on them in Consequence of their resumption of the Sovereignty to themselves.4

In Support of this Position it may be further observed that all the territorial Rights of the King of Great Britain within the Limits of the United States accrued to him from the enterprizes, the Risks, the Sacrifices, the Expence in Blood & treasure of the present Inhabitants & their Progenitors.

If in latter times Expences & Exertions have been borne by any other Part of the Empire in their immediate Deffence it need only be recollected that the ultimate Object of them was the general Security and Advantage of the Empire that a proportional Share was borne by the States themselves and that if this had not been the Case the benefits resulting from an exclusive enjoyment of their Trade have been an Abundant compensation. Equity and Justice therefore perfectly coincide in the present Instance with political and constitutional Principles.

No Objection can be pretended against what is here said except that the King of Great Britain was at the time of the Rupture with his Catholic Majesty possessed of certain Parts of the Territory in Question and consequently that his Catholic Majesty had and still has a Right to regard them as Lawful objects of Conquest. In answer to this Objection it is to be considered. 1st. That these Possessions are few in number and confined to small Spots. 2d that a Right founded on Conquest being only coextensive with the Objects of Conquest, cannot comprehend the circumjacent territory. 3. that if a Right to the said territory depended on the Conquest of the British Posts within it the united States have already a more extensive Claim to it, than Spain can acquire having by the Success of their Arms obtained Possession of all the important Posts and Settlements on the Illinois and Wabash, rescued the Inhabitants from British Domination, and established civil Government in its proper form over them. They have moreover established a Post on a Strong and commanding Situation near the Mouth of the Ohio. Whereas Spain has a Claim by Conquest to no Post above the Northern bounds of West Florida except that of the Natches nor are there any other British Posts below the Mouth of the Ohio for their Arms to be employed against. 4. That whatever extent ought to be ascribed to the rights of Conquest it must be admitted to have limitations which in the present Case exclude the Pretensions of his catholic Majesty.5 If the Occupation by the King of great Britain of Posts within the limits of the United States as defined by charters derived from the said King when constitutionally authorised to grant them makes them lawful Objects of Conquest to any other Power than the United States, it follows that every other Part of the United States that now is or may hereafter fall into the Hands of the Enemy, is equally an Object of Conquest. Not only New-York, Long Island and the other Islands in its Vicinity, but almost the entire States of South Carolina and Georgia might by the Interposition of a foreign Power at War with their Enemy be forever severed from the American Confederacy & subjected to a foreign Yoke. But is such a Doctrine consonant to the Rights of Nations, or the Sentiments of Humanity? does it breathe that Spirit of Concord and Amity which is the Aim of the proposed Alliance with Spain? would it be admitted by Spain herself if it affected her own Dominions? were for Example a British Armament by a sudden Enterprize to get Possession of Sea Port, a trading town or maritime Province in Spain, and another Power at War with Britain should before it could be reconquered by Spain wrest it from the Hands of Britain, would Spain herself consider it as an extinguishment of her just Pretensions? or would any impartial Nation consider it in that Light? As to the Proclamations of the King of Great Britain of 1763. forbidding his Governors in North America to grant lands westward of the Sources of the Rivers falling into the Atlantic Ocean, it can by no Rule of Construction militate against the present Claims of the united States. That Proclamation, as is clear both from the title and tenor of it was intended merely to prevent Disputes with the Indians, and an irregular Appropriation of vacant Land to Individuals; and by no Means either to renounce any Part of the Cessions made in the Treaty of Paris, or to affect the Boundaries established by ancient Charters. On the contrary it is expressly declared that the Lands and territory prohibited to be granted were within the Sovereignty and Dominion of that crown, notwithstanding the Reservation of them to the use of the Indians.

The Right of the United States to western Territory as far as the Mississippi having been Shewn there are sufficient reasons for them to insist on that Right as well as for Spain not to wish a relinquishment of it.

In the first Place the River Mississippi will be a more natural, more distinguishable and more precise Boundary than any other that can be drawn eastwardly of it. And consequently will be less liable to become a Source of those Disputes which too often proceed from uncertain boundaries between Nations.

Secondly. It ought not be concealed that although the vacant territory adjacent to the Mississippi should be relinquished by the United States to Spain, yet the Fertility of its Soil, and its convenient Situation for trade might be productive of Intrusions by the Citizens of the former which their great Distance would render it difficult to restrain and which might lead to an Interruption of that harmony which it is so much the Interest and wish of both should be perpetual.6

Thirdly. As this territory lies within the Charter limits of particular States and is considered by them as no less their Property than any other territory within limits. Congress could not relinquish it without exciting Discussions between themselves and these States concerning their respective rights and Powers which might greatly embarrass the public Councils of the United States and give Advantage to the common Enemy.7

Fourthly. The territory in Question contain a Number of inhabitants who are at present under the Protection of the United States and have sworn Allegiance to them. These could not be [by] voluntary transfer be Subjected to a foreign jurisdiction without manifest Violation of the common rights of Mankind and of the Genius and Principles of the American governments.

Fifthly. In case of the Obstinacy and Pride of great Britain should for any length of time continue an Obstacle to Peace a cession of this territory rendered of so much Value to the United States by its particular Situation would deprive them of one of the Materials founds on which they rely for pursuing the War against her. On the Part of Spain this territorial found is not needed for, and perhaps could not be applied to the purposes of the War and from its Situation is otherwise of much less Value to her than to the United States.

Congress have the greater hopes that the Pretensions of his Catholic Majesty on this Subject will not be so far urged as to prove an insuperable Obstacle to an Alliance with the United States—because they conceive such pretensions to be incompatible with the Treaties subsisting between France and them which are to be the Basis and Substance of it. By Article 11. of the treaty of Alliance eventual and defensive the possessions of the United States are guarantied to them by his most Christian Majesty. By Art. 12 of the same treaty intended to fix more precisely the Sense and Application of the preceeding Article, it is declared that this guarantee shall have it full Force & effect the moment a Rupture shall take Place between France and England. All the possessions therefore belonging to the United States at the time of that rupture which being prior to the rupture between Spain and England must be prior to all claims of Conquest by the former, are guarranted to them by his most christian Majesty. Now that in the Possessions thus guarantied was meant by the contracting Parties to be included all the territory within the limites assigned to the United States by the treaty of Paris may be inferred from Art. 5 of the Treaty above mentioned; which declares that if the United States should think fit to attempt the reduction of the British Power remaining in the Northern Parts of America, or the Islands of Bermudas &c. those countries shall in Case of Success be confederated with, or dependent upon the United States. For if it had not been understood by the Parties that the Western territory in Question known to be of so great Importance to the United States and a Reduction of it so likely to be attempted by them was included in the general guarantee, can it be supposed that no Notice would have been taken of it when the Parties extended their views not only to Canada but to the remote & unimportant Island of Bermudas. It is true these Acts between France and the United States are in no Respect obligatory on his Catholic Majesty until he shall think fit to accede to them. Yet as they shew the Sense of his most Christian Majesty on this Subject with whom his Catholic Majesty is intimately allied as it is in Pursuance of an Express reservation to his Catholic Majesty in a Secret Act subjoined to the Treaties aforesaid of a Power to acceede to those Treaties that the present Overtures are made on the Part of the United States, and as it is particularly stated in that Act, that any Conditions which his Catholic Majesty shall think fit to add are, to be analogous to the principal aim of the Alliance and comformable to the Rules of Equality, Reciprocity and Friendship, Congress entertain too high an Opinion of the Equity, Moderation and Wisdom of his Catholic Majesty not to suppose that when joined to these Considerations they will prevail against any mistaken Views of Interest that may be Suggested to him.8

The next Object of the Instructions is the free Navigation of the Mississippi for the Citizens of the United States in common with the Subjects of his Catholic Majesty.

On this Subject the same inference may be made from Art. 7 of the Treaty of Paris which stipulates this right in the amplest Manner to the King of Great Britain and the Devolution of it to the united States as was applied to the territorial claims of the latter. Nor can Congress hesitate to believe that even if no such Right could be inferred from that Treaty that the Generosity of his Catholic Majesty would suffer the Inhabitants of these States to be put into a worse Condition in this Respect by their Alliance with him in the character of a Sovereign People than they were in when Subjects of a Power who was always ready to turn their Force against his Majesty; especially as one of the great Objects of the proposed Alliance is to give greater Effect to the common Exertions for disarming that Power of the Faculty of disturbing others.

Besides as the United States have an indisputable Right to the Possession of the East bank of the Mississippi for a very great distance, and the Navigation of that River will essentially tend to the Prosperity and Advantage of the Citizens of the United States that may reside on the Mississippi or the Waters running into it, it is conceived that the Circumstance of Spain’s being in Possession of the Banks on both sides near its Mouth, cannot be deemed a natural or equitable bar to the free Use of the River. Such a Principle would authorise a Nation disposed to take Advantage of Circumstances to contravene the clear indications of Nature and Providence and the general good of Mankind.

The Usage of Nations accordingly seems in such Cases to have given to those holding the Mouth or lower Parts of a River no right against those above them except the Right of imposing a moderate toll, and that on the equitable Supposition that Such toll is due for the Expence and trouble the former may have been put to.

“An innocent Passage (said Vattel) is due to all Nations with whom a State is at Peace, and this Duty comprehends troops equally with Individuals” if a Right to a Passage by Land through other Countries may be claimed for troops which are employed in the Destruction of Mankind how much more may a Passage by Water be claimed for Commerce which is beneficial to all Nations.9

Here against it ought not to be concealed that the Inconveniencies which must be felt by the Inhabitan[t]s on the waters running westwardly under an Exclusion from the free use of the Mississippi would be a constant and encreasing Source of Disquietude on their Part, of more rigorous Precautions on the Part of Spain and of an irritation on both Parts which it is equally the Interest and Duty of both to guard against.

But notwithstanding the equitable Claim of the United States to the free Navigation of the Mississippi and its great importance to them, Congress have so strong a Disposition to conform to the Desires of his Catholic Majesty that they have agreed that such equitable regulations may be entered into as may be a requisite Security against contraband; provided the Point of Right be not relinquished and a free Port or Ports below the 3[1]st. Degree of North Latitude & accessible to Merchant Ships be stipulated to them.10

The reason why a Port or Ports as thus described was required must be obvious. Without such a Stipulation the free use of the Mississippi would in fact amount to no more than free intercourse with New Orleans and the other Ports of Louisiana. From the Rapid current of this river it is well known that it must be navigated by Vessels of a peculiar Construction and which will be unfit to go to Sea Unless therefore some Place be assigned to the United States where the Produce carried down the River and the Merchandize arriving from abroad may be reposited till they can be respectively taken away by the proper Vessels there can be no such thing as a foreing trade.

There is a remaining Consideration respecting the Navigation of the Mississippi which deeply concerns the maritime Powers in general but more particularly their most Christian and Catholic Majesties. The Country watered by the Ohio with its large B[r]anches having their Sources near the Lakes on one Side, and those running North Westward and falling into it on the other Side, will appear from a single Glance on a Map to be of vast extent. The Circumstance of its being so finely watered, added to the singular fertility of its Soil and other Advantages presented by a new Country, will occasion a Rapidity of Population not easy to be conceived. The Spirit of Emigration has already shewn itself in a very strong Degree notwithstanding the many Impediments which discourage it. The Principal of these Impediments is the War with Britain which cannot Spare a force sufficient to protect the emigrants against Incursions of the Savages. In a very few years after the Peace shall take Place, this Country will certainly be overspread with Inhabitants. In Like manner as in all other new Settlements, Agriculture, not Manufactures will their employment. They will raise wheat, Corn, Beef, Pork, Tobacco, hemp, Flax, and in the Southern Parts perhaps, Rice and Indigo in great Quantities. on the other Hand their Consumption of foreing Manufactures will be in Proportion, if they can be exchanged for the Produce of their Soil. There are but two Channels through which such Commerce can be carried, the first is down the River Mississippi the other is up the Rivers having their Sources near the lakes, thense by short Portages to the Lakes or the rivers falling into them and thence through the Lakes and down the St Laurence. The first of these Channels is manifestly the most natural and by far the most advantageous, Should it However be obstructed, the second will be found far from impracticable. If no obstructions should be thrown in its Course down the Mississippi, the exports from the immense tract of Country will not only supply an Aboundance of all Necessaries for the West India Islands, but serve for a valuable basis of general trade of which the rising Sp[i]rit of Commerce in France and Spain will no doubt particularly avail itself. The imports will be proportionally extensive and from the Climate as well as other Causes will consist in a great Degree of the manufactures of the same Countries. On the other hand should obstructions on the Mississippi force this trade into a contrary direction through Canada, France and Spain and the other maritime Powers will not only loose the immediate benefit of it to themselves but they will also suffer by the Advantage it will give to great Britain. So fair a prospect could not escape the Commercial Sagacity of this Nation. She would ambrace it with avidity. She would cherish it with the most Studious Care; and should she succeed in fixing it in that Channel the Loss of her exclusive Possession of the trade of the United States might prove a much less decisive blow to her maritime preeminence and tyranny than has been calculated.

The last Clause of the instructions respecting the Navigation of the Waters running out of Georgia through West Florida not being included in the ultimatum, nor claimed on a footing of right requires nothing to be added to what it speaks itself. The Utility of the Privilege asked to the State of Georgia and consequently to the Union is apparent from the geographical representation of the Country. The motives for Spain to grant it must be found in her equity, Generosity and disposition to cultivate Friendship and intercourse.

These observations you will readily discern are not communicated to be urged at all Events and as they here stand in Support of the Claims to which they relate. They are intended for your private information and use and are to be urged so far and in such form only as will best Suit the temper & Sentiments of the Court at which you reside and best fulfill the object of them.—

By Order of Congress
(Signed) Sam. Huntington President11

C, PPAmP: Franklin (EJ: 2661). Marked “Copy”. Dft, in report in the hand of James Madison, DNA: PCC, item 25, 1: 239–50.

1In a letter to BF of 28 Oct., James Lovell, chairman of the Committee for Foreign Affairs, explained that, on 6 Oct., Congress had selected a committee (James Madison, John Sullivan, and James Duane) to write a letter to JJ and BF that would “enforce” its instructions to JJ of 4 Oct. (above). Congress accepted the committee’s draft, in the hand of James Madison, and presented it to Lovell on 16 Oct. Lovell then told BF that he was the only member of the Committee for Foreign Affairs then attending Congress and that he had no secretary. He asked BF to transmit to JJ all the papers directed to JJ that he received. See JCC description begins Worthington C. Ford et al., eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (34 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1904–37) description ends , 18: 908, 935–47; PBF description begins William B. Willcox et al., eds., The Papers of Benjamin Franklin (39 vols. to date; New Haven, Conn., 1959–) description ends , 33: 471–72.

Prior to submitting the draft to Congress, Madison had discussed most of the major points it raised with Barbé-Marbois, who uniformly rejected Madison’s contentions. For the intense pressure both Barbé-Marbois and Francisco Rendón exerted on Congress to retract its insistence on Mississippi navigation and the boundary, see PJM description begins William T. Hutchinson, William M. E. Rachal, Robert A. Rutland, et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison, Congressional Series (17 vols.; Chicago and Charlottesville, Va., 1962–91) description ends , 2: 114–17, 127–36; and LDC description begins Paul H. Smith et al., eds., Letters of Delegates to the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (26 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1976–98) description ends , 16: 154–59.

2See note 1, above; the editorial note “Congress Appoints John Jay Minister to Spain,” JJSP, 1 description begins Elizabeth M. Nuxoll et al., eds., The Selected Papers of John Jay: Volume 1, 1760–1779 (Charlottesville, Va., 2010) description ends : 711–12; and the President of Congress to JJ, 16 Oct. 1779, JJSP, 1 description begins Elizabeth M. Nuxoll et al., eds., The Selected Papers of John Jay: Volume 1, 1760–1779 (Charlottesville, Va., 2010) description ends : 717–18n3, 718n4.

3The Spanish monarchy was also composed of separate kingdoms, each of which claimed particular rights and privileges.

4For a reiteration of this argument, see the text below at note 7.

5For comments on this claim, see PJM description begins William T. Hutchinson, William M. E. Rachal, Robert A. Rutland, et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison, Congressional Series (17 vols.; Chicago and Charlottesville, Va., 1962–91) description ends , 2: 129, 135n7.

6For contrary arguments on this point, see Gouverneur Morris to JJ, 2 Jan. 1781, below.

7It was not until 2 Jan. 1781 that Virginia ceded its western land claims to the United States, thereby clearing the way for ratification of the Articles of Confederation.

8Congress had not yet received JJ’s report of Spain’s anger at the Franco-American Treaty of Alliance. See Notes on John Jay’s Conference with Floridablanca, 23 Sept., above.

9See Emmerich de Vattel, The Law of Nations, bk. 3, chap. 7, sec. 119, and bk. 2, chap. 9, sec. 123. JJ later reported that Vattel was banned in Spain. See JJ to Gouverneur Morris, 28 Sept. 1781, below.

10The 31st degree of north latitude was the boundary fixed for West Florida by the Proclamation of 1763.

11JJ received this letter on 30 Jan. 1781 and acknowledged it in his letter to the President of Congress of 25 Apr., below. In February 1781, after Virginia had ceded its claims to western lands to the United States, the Virginia delegation proposed a revision to these instructions. It would have allowed JJ to withdraw the demand for free navigation of the Mississippi below the 31st degree of latitude and for a free port below it, if Spain so insisted, in exchange for Spanish acknowledgment of American rights to navigate above this level. See LDC description begins Paul H. Smith et al., eds., Letters of Delegates to the Continental Congress, 1774–1789 (26 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1976–98) description ends , 16: 659–61.

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