You will I am persuaded join with me in deeply regretting, that the Topic which naturally rises first into view on this occasion, is the afflicting & unexpected Death of that virtuous and great man, who both in the Field and in the cabinet, in public and in private Life, attracted such an uncommon Degree of merited Esteem Confidence and admiration. His memory will be cherished by the wise and good of every nation; and Truth, triumphing over her adversaries, will transmit his Character to Posterity in all its genuine Lustre. His excellent Example and excellent admonitions still remain with us; and happy will that People be, whose Leaders imitate the one, and observe the other. But painful and important as our Loss is, and difficult as it may be to restrain the Effusions of our Sensibility, yet it is to be recollected that the Duties and Business for which we are assembled, have indispensable claims to attention. Let us therefore proceed to do fulfil those Duties, and to do that Business with the like laudable Fidelity Circumspection and Diligence, by which that real and eminent Patriot was so greatly distinguished—1

I take this early opportunity of laying before you a Resolution of the Legislature of Connecticut, signifying a Desire amicably to settle the Controversy mentioned in it; and appointing Commissioners on their part for the Purpose. This Resolution will doubtless be recieved with Respect and Cordiality. Such is the ^respectable^ Character of Connecticut, and so intimate are our mutual Relations, that a Controversy so singular in its origin, so irritating in its Prosecution, and so mischievous in its Tendency and Example, cannot in my opinion, be too soon extinguished by amicable and proper Stipulations with that State.2 I also lay before you certain Resolutions of the Legislature of Vermont. They propose an amendment to the Constitution of the united States, which, from the Importance of it, as well as from the Respect due to a Sister State, is entitled to mature Consideration—3

The Constitution of this State having with great wisdom committed the legislative, executive and judicial powers of Government, to three distinct Departments, I submit to your Consideration whether the recent Practice of annual gratuitous allowances by the Legislature, to the officers of the Executive and judicial Departments, can consist with that Independence by which alone the constitutional Ballance between all the Departments can be kept even, and their reciprocal checks on each other be preserved.4 The small Proportion which our important public Statutes bears to the numerous private ones passed for Individual, or for local and particular Purposes, has become remarkable. Might not the Claims of Individuals be for the most part heard examined and ascertained in some mode more easy to them, and less expensive to the State, than by the Legislature; and ought not Business of great and general moment, to precede that of less and limited Importance? It has not unfrequently happened, that the earlier part of the Session has been so far consumed in Debates, and in preparing & passing acts respecting these lesser matters, that much interesting public Business has been either too hastily dispatched towards the Conclusion of the Session, or been entirely relinquished and left unfinished. The Frequency of acts for private Incorporations, and the Difficulty of afterwards restraining or correcting the Evils resulting to the Public from unforeseen Defects in them, lead me to advert to the Prudence of passing them only under such Circumstances of previous publicity and Deliberation as may be proper to guard against the Effects of cursory and inaccurate Views and Impressions.5

Promising Theories are not always confirmed by Experience; and it is found that new Laws, however carefully framed, have sometimes proved to be less salutary than was expected; and even to be productive of greater Inconveniences than those against which they were intended to provide. Of this Description is the Act for the Trial of Causes to the amount of Ten pounds. The Evils arising from certain Defects in it are manifest, and are generally seen and acknowledged. The skilful and beneficial manner in which it has by a late Act been modified and adapted to the city of New York, leaves little Room to doubt but that it may likewise be so amended and modified, as to be well accommodated to every other part of the State; and the Execution of it rendered ^more^ easy and agreable to the magistrates.6 The Statute relative to Punishments being in a Course of fair Experiment, I will only suggest, whether it would not be more expedient, that Persons convicted of the impious and dangerous Crime of Perjury, and of assaults with Intent to commit Felonies of any kind, should recieve their punishment of Imprisonment in the State Prison, than in the common Goals; from which Escapes are more easily effected, and where the Taverns usually, and in my opinion unadvisedly permitted to be kept, lead to Irregularities and Corruption of morals.7 Notwithstanding the Care with which our Laws and Regulations relative to infectious Diseases, have been observed, yet our principal City has again been distressed by the Return of a very destructive one.— Whence it arises, is a question which still remains envolved in much obscurity: but as either of the two natural Causes to which it is generally ascribed, may be the true one, every further Mean which human Sagacity can devise, should be employed to remove or counteract them.— If however in this Instance, as in many others, Providence is accomplishing the Purposes of moral Government by the Instrumentality of second Causes, our future preservation from their calamitous Effects, will depend more on moral than municipal Reforms—8

As the Government most to be preferred, is that which procures to the People the greatest Degree of Justice, Security and rational Liberty, so by such a Government no Acts or Symptoms of Defiance to lawful Authority are viewed with Indifference. Experience shews that Impunity invites aggression, and that Licentiousness always derives Encouragement from Toleration. Feeling the force of these Reflections, I think it my Duty to press your Attention to the daring opposition which has repeatedly, and with singular Impunity, been made in the County of Columbia to the judicial authority of the State; and to the recent Indications of it which are detailed in the papers which I shall lay before you. The manner in which these Offences are perpetrated, renders the ordinary means of suppressing them, in several Respects inadequate. While we rejoice and with great Reason, in the general and encreasing Prosperity of the State, it is proper to reflect that, next to the kind providence of the Almighty, we owe this Prosperity to the Security with which Industry pursues its lawful objects and enjoys its Fruits. It is therefore of the last Importance that this Security be preserved, and that the regular administration of Justice which protects it be not interrupted. Whatever may be the Claims or Rights of contending Individuals, it is their Duty to meet each other in the proper Courts, and peaceably acquiesce in the Justice of their Country: and it is equally the Duty of the Government to protect the Citizens in the quiet Enjoyment of their Property and Rights; and to enforce Obedience and Submission to the Laws.—9

Altho’ the great and national Affairs of war and Peace do not belong to our Jurisdiction, yet such is their Importance to our immediate welfare and so great would be our Danger if any fallacious prospects of Peace should mislead us into a State of ill founded Security, that the very judicious and seasonable Remarks of our patriotic President on this Subject, cannot be too generally known, nor too strongly impressed. He reminds us that “at a Period like the present, when momentuous Changes are occurring, and every hour is preparing new and great Events in the political world—when a Spirit of war is prevalent in almost every nation, with whose affairs the Interests of the united States have any Connection, unsafe and precarious would be our Situation, were we to neglect the means of maintaining our just Rights.” From the same high & respectable authority we are given to understand that under existing Circumstances “nothing short of the power of repelling aggressions, will secure to our Country a rational Prospect of escaping the Calamities of war, or” (what would be still more calamitous) “national Degradation.”10 The measures which have been taken pursuant to acts of this State, relative to these Subjects shall be mentioned in a future Communication: and it is evident from the preceding observations that our attention to them is not to be relaxed.11

Among other Objects which will present themselves to You, there is one which I earnestly recommend to your notice and Patronage— I mean our Institutions for the Education of Youth. The Importance of common Schools is best estimated by the good Effects of them where they most abound, and are the best regulated.12 The two Colleges in this State have from their extensive and encreasing utility, strong claims to the Care of the Legislature, and it appears to me that they should be enabled uniformly to answer the valuable purposes for which they were established. Our ancestors have transmitted to us many excellent Institutions, matured by the wisdom and Experience of ages: Let them descend to our Posterity, accompanied with others, which by promoting useful Knowledge and multiplying the Blessings of social order, and diffusing the Influence of moral obligations, may be reputable to us and beneficial to them.13

Conscious that the Sentiments which I have now expressed are prompted by the best motives and by an ardent Desire to advance the welfare of our common Country; and being persuaded that your Deliberations will be animated by similar Views and Dispositions, I indulge the pleasing Expectation, that the Results of this Session will correspond with the high Trust and Confidence reposed in us by our Constituents—